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方勵之談六四後美中外交風暴(組圖)

我經歷的1989-1990中美互動 (2)

2011-06-04 07:00 桌面版 简体 0
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我經歷的1989-1990中美互動
方勵之

從PRC國慶到US鬼節

1989年10月1日前夕,上海市府舉辦招待酒會,慶祝PRC 建國40週年。來賓中有美國駐上海總領事。原上海復旦大學校長謝希德,在招待酒會上主動問美國總領事「我們要作甚麽事,才能解決方勵之問題?」。大使立即將謝的舉動轉告我們。

我們判斷:「這是鄧小平發出的信號,中共想要解決問題了。」 大使也持同樣看法。

謝希德的學術身份,是一位物理學教授,專長於點群空間群在固體物理中的應用。謝的政治身份,是中共中央委員。謝是從美國回歸者。八十年代,她每年至少去美國一次,代表中國物理學會參加美國物理學會年會。謝認識李和我。早在1950年代後期,謝一度從上海來北大物理系工作,協助黃昆建立半導體研究班子,直到這時,謝才入黨。當時李淑嫻也在黃昆的班子中,是一位援華的蘇聯半導體副教授的專業翻譯。謝行事極為謹慎,作風更像虔誠基督徒。謝不會自作主張向美國總領事詢問「方勵之問題」,一定是高層授意的。

跟著,又有兩個信號。

中國科學院長周光召在訪問美國時,也以「個人身份」向美國科學院透露,他「可以協助解決方勵之問題」。我們同周光召認識的時間更長。大學二年級,李和我聽胡寧的電動力學課時,周是胡的助教和研究生。周在1989年的政治身份,也是中共中央委員。

最後,原任中共政治局委員的胡喬木出馬,向李侃如 (Kenneth Lieberthal)說,他「願意以非正式的身份斡旋方勵之問題「。李是中國問題專家,與美前總統尼克松有密切關係。胡喬木也是一位持續關心方的高層人士。1985年,「科學」(中文)雜誌復刊,方在復刊第一期上發表科普文——「道生一的物理解」,介紹量子宇宙學。該年12月16日,胡喬木寫信給「科學」編輯部,云:「‘科學’復刊第一期上,刊有方勵之的‘道生一的物理解’一文,用宇宙物理學來證明……唯物主義的事物先於原理的觀點是錯誤的…..我沒有研究過宇宙物理學,但很以這種觀點為異。」其實,方文絲毫未談哲學,只是講一個邏輯常識:在「時間」概念不能用的情況下,「先於」「後於」等等詞彙,在物理上均無意義。「科學」主編郝柏林回信給胡,請他撰寫一篇科學而非哲學文章,詳細論述他的「為異」觀點,「科學」 雜誌將發表。但沒有得到胡的回應。

儘管上述三位皆位高權重,但其「個人身份」似乎都還不足以斡旋「避難」等政治問題。他們的個人政治身份大體是一品「龍套」。

「龍套」跑圓場之後,真正有資格以「個人身份」斡旋者,登場了:大使告知,

尼克松和基辛格將於近日訪華,老朋友鄧小平要見他們,斡而旋之。

在尼—基—鄧三位登場之前,還有一樁趣事。

10月28日,是美國的萬聖節,叫鬼節更準確,否則會混同巴黎萬聖廟。大使館將舉行招待會。按風俗,參加者可以戴假面具。有傳言,招待會上,眾來賓都戴一樣的面具,男士一律用方勵之面相,女士一律用李淑嫻面相。當上百位全同的方李假面狂歡痛飲,晃動於大使館之際,方李二真身,將溜之乎也。中國當局聽說後,急了,外交部召見大使,要求美方不得趁鬼節招待會把方勵之夫婦偷送出使館。這一次,大使快速承諾:保證不在鬼節這一天,送走他們的客人。

萬聖節當天確實有一批客人抬著一個美國真棺材(運屍備用),其中裝有一個鬼模型,闖進大使館。令守衛的解放軍不知所措。

大使很得意告訴我們,「傳言」等就是他們造的,目的是探測內鬼。「三國演義」中,蔣干盜書一場,周瑜派人在蔣干帳外小聲嘀咕,放假消息(蔡瑁張允通敵)。李潔明用的就是周瑜的帳外嘀咕法,探測泄密渠道。

李潔明確實極重視保密。每次他來談話,總要把屋裡水龍頭開開,製造背景雜訊,使竊聽者聽不清。流水噪音是反竊聽的一個經典方法,有效,但是略顯老了。用適當的統計處理就可以從背景噪音中取出有用信息。這是物理,特別是天體物理的一個課題。上帝讓我們看到的天空,除了太陽東升西落等少數有規現象之外,其它現象看起來都是雜亂無章的「雜訊」。從上帝的雜訊中「竊聽」出有用信息,是天體物理的任務。

尼克松—基辛格—鄧小平

美國當局得知尼克松及基辛格將訪華後,曾委託尼克松及基辛格在會見鄧小平時,斡旋「方勵之問題」。Bill Stanton說,尼克松一口答應了,願意幫助斡旋,而基辛格則回絕,不願介入「方勵之問題」。李潔明的回憶錄不提基辛格,也是一個旁證[1]。

1989年10月31日和11月9日,鄧小平分別會見了他的‘老朋友’ 尼克松和基辛格。

鄧小平見到基辛格後,主動同他談「方勵之問題」。直到這時基辛格才不得不出主意,參與斡旋[2]。所以,嚴格說來,尼克松是美國當局委託的斡旋者,而基辛格應算是鄧小平委託的斡旋者。

二斡旋者傳來的鄧小平的解決「方勵之問題」的路線圖是:

Former President Nixon and former Secretary of State Kissinger shared with us the thoughts recently expressed to them by Deng Xiaoping regarding a possible path to speedy resolution of the Fang Lizhi situation.

Mr. Deng suggested to President Nixon – that the best solution is a 「simple」 one. I would like now to restate our understanding of what Mr. Deng said in general terms:

A statement regarding his activities will be required of Fang Lizhi.

There should be agreement by Dr. Fang not to engage in political activities.

Dr. Fang and his family should be removed from China, preferably to the United States.

(此段取自talking point Nov. 18. 見附錄[3])

路線圖大意是,可以放走方勵之全家,條件是: a.) 方勵之應寫個陳述,說明他的活動;b.) 應有保證,方不得從事政治活動;c.) 方全家應離開中國,最好去美國。基辛格建議,點c.) 改成「去第三國」。

路線圖還有關鍵一句——「the best solution is a ‘simple’ one」。什麽是 ‘simple’ one ?尼克松及基辛格可能都沒有在意,或鄧有意沒說清。

條件 a.)和c.) 不難辦到。b.) 的含義要在談判中澄清。美方的立場是:

There are limited to any U.S. government control over Dr. Fang and his family, now and in the future. The U.S. government cannot legally offer guarantees regarding what an individual in the United States might say or do. I believe that Dr. Fang and his family understand this point. (此段取自talking point Nov. 18. 見附錄 [3])

根據美國憲法,行政當局不能控制方勵之一家在美國的言行。 美國行政當局依法不能對一個在美生活的人的所做所為提供保證。

這一點,同中國的政體完全不同。

11月15日,我正準備寫點a.)所要求的陳述,李潔明大使送來了如下中國有關部門敦促書。抄錄如下:

中國有關部門發言人發表談話,敦促方勵之、李淑嫻盡早投案自首,爭取寬大處理。

發言人說,在全國人民的積極支持下,我們已贏得制止動亂、平息反革命暴亂的決定性勝利。當前社會秩序業已恢復正常,國內局勢更加穩定。在黨和政府政策的感召下,不少在動亂和暴亂中犯有罪行的人向公安機關投案,得到了寬大處理。

發言人說,自平息反革命暴亂後,先後有幾名中國人躲進了外國駐華使館。目前,除方勵之、李淑嫻二人仍躲在美國駐華大使館外,其他人均已先後離開了外國駐華機構,得到了政府的寬大處理和人民的諒解。

發言人敦促方勵之和李淑嫻迷途知返,趕快離開美國駐華使館,爭取寬大處理。

敦促書與路線圖的調子完全不同。路線圖點a)是要求寫一陳述,而敦促書是典型的文化大革命語言:未審判,先定罪,「迷途知返」「投案自首」,「寬大處理」云云。敦促書的調子應是鄧小平的原意,顯然,「老朋友」斡旋者們都不接受鄧小平原話。這一段話被斡旋成了中性的「陳述」。基辛格的回憶,描寫了這一斡旋[2]。

敦促書證實:「躲進了外國駐華使館」者,除方李一案,還有他案。並證實,他案均已解決。這同我們在大使館知道的信息一致。重要的是,敦促書並沒有說那「幾名中國人」問題之解決,是由於寫了自首書。看中共的文件,要看它寫了什麽,更要看它沒寫什麽。

所以可以不管敦促書。按點a.) ,我寫了一個有關「過去和將來」的陳述。全文如下。

過去和將來

關於過去

1, 我主張中國應當進行社會改革。我在1988年以前的多次演講中,公開地表達過我對中國的改革的觀點。

2,我承認,我的觀點主要有:

a.馬克思主義的三個組成部分,哲學、政治經濟學和社會主義理論,都已經落後於時代。它的一些基本原則,已經被科學證明是過時的,或者是不正確的。

b.所有社會主義國家在社會主義體制下所做的事情,差不多總的來說是失敗的。列寧—斯大林—毛澤東式的社會主義已經相當徹底地喪失了它的吸引力。

c.中國共產黨治理下的社會主義中國四十年是令人失望的。連年不斷的大規模的「階級鬥爭」使中國的經濟一直逗留在世界第一百位以後的最貧窮行列之中。中共本身的腐化,則越演越烈。

d.沒有民主、人權,就不會有現代化。應當修改憲法,取消有關「階級鬥爭」的內容。四項基本原則與毛澤東的六條政治標準是類似的,是維持「階級鬥爭」的政治體制。在這方面,四項原則如仍僵化不變,民主、現代化都是沒有希望的。

3. 1989年4月發生於天安門的以學生為首的政治運動,其目的是推動中國政府加快改革,其方法是和平的。因此,我完全贊同並支持。我也贊同根據憲法第63條通過人大罷免李鵬的總理職務。

4. 我認真地注意到,於1989年6月開始,中國政府稱,上述的政治主張是「反革命的」,上述行為是"犯有反革命的宣傳和煽動罪"。

關於將來

1. 應北美和西歐20餘所大學及研究所的邀請,我此次出國的目的將集中於學術交流和研究。

2. 作為一個中國公民,我關注的是,中國的和平、繁榮和現代化。

3. 因此,我將欣賞和歡迎世界各國政府符合於中國社會進步的一切活動;拒絕支持那些組織,如果它們不以中國進步利益為原則。

4. 一俟條件許可,我將回國繼續直接為發展中國的科學與教育事業服務。

11月18日和24日的談判

11月18日和24日,中美就鄧小平的路線圖舉行了兩次談判。兩次談判的「要點」文件全文在附錄 [3] 及 [4] 中。

「要點」文件是由D.W. Keyser草擬的。此公中文極好。可惜後來墮入臺灣女情報人員織的情網,主動轉送國務院機密文件給該女。2004年被當場抓獲。外交生涯就此終止。

18日談判,美方由李潔明代表。24日談判,美方由公使 B.L.Pascoe代表,因李潔明當時回國述職。Pascoe 現為聯合國副秘書長,負責政治事務。

18日談判時,李潔明告知對方,我在寫一陳述。24日談判時,Pascoe 將「過去和將來」一陳述交給對方。路線圖點a.)完成。

點c.), 無論去美國或第三國,中立國或非中立國都不是問題。幾個月來,凡與我有過交往的同行,西歐的和北美的,大都來了邀請信,有的還提供永久職位。第一個提供永久職位的是挪威奧斯陸大學物理系,1989年6月23日,即我們進入使館的第17天,正式offer信就收到了(直到21年後,2010年,我才有機會造訪奧斯陸大學,登門致謝)。

談判的焦點是點b.)。如前所述,美方強調,按美國政體,特別按憲法第一修正案,行政當局不能控制任何個人的言論。美行政當局也不可能保證方勵之到美後不參與政治活動。就是對方勵之寫給中國當局的陳述,美行政當局也不能為之背書。此種保證或背書,應是方與中國當局之間的事。美行政當局只能為雙方傳遞信息。美國行政當局只能承諾,布希總統等不會接見方。

這當然使鄧小平沒面子。李潔明曾告,「方勵之問題」談判有時在釣魚臺賓館舉行。談判者都在一樓,二樓也有人。以他在CIA學的本事,他猜測鄧小平就在二樓「監聽」。

為了破解點b.) 僵局,在18及24日談判中時,都用了一下一段話,使雙方都有面子。這段話是在(見附錄[3][4]):

We understand that Dr. Fang would offer full assurances to my Government that he would engage exclusively in scientific and scholarly research for a period of time following his departure from China.

大意是,方勵之向美國政府作了充分保證,他離開中國後,在一段時間裏,將專心致志於科學研究。技巧是「在一段時間裏」(for a period of time)。到底是多長?一天?一個月?一年?十年?沒說。所以,並無定量約束,整句話等於是不可檢驗的廢話。但廢話能使各方都有臉,這就是廢話的功效。

可以清楚地感到,「不從事政治活動」等等保證,並不是鄧小平的「核心條件」。因為鄧小平自己有過類似經驗,他「向毛主席保證」 的 「永不翻案」,是出名的。所以,這種情況下的「保證」,除了面子之外,並無實際價值。

鄧小平的「核心條件」不是a),不是 b), 也不是c)。

斯考克羅夫特訪華

12月9日,Bill興沖沖跑來,告訴好消息;「趕快準備好,也許明天就能走!」背景是,布希再度派特使斯考克羅夫特訪問北京,今天到。大使等估計,a.), b.), c.) 諸點都已談妥。等斯考克羅夫代表布希同鄧小平最後一拍板,方李就可以隨斯考克羅夫特的飛機離境了。大使館充滿樂觀氣氛,聖誕節前,「事件」就可以圓滿收場了。

準備行裝容易,一小時足夠了。12月10日晨,我們打點好行裝,待命——

一直到晚上,「命」也沒「待」來,轉為睡覺。

斯考克羅特一邊的故事,在他的回憶錄中有詳盡描述 [5]。他到達北京後,當晚外交部長錢其琛舉行歡迎酒會。當時美國對中國當局的制裁(停止經援,停止高官互訪等)還沒有結束。斯考克羅夫特希望酒會低調,迴避媒體,不要拍照,否則回美國不好交待。主人同意,只准媒體於酒會前雙方寒暄時拍照。酒會則是閉門吃喝,拒絕媒體觀賞。

酬來酢去,一切順利。最後,輪到斯考克羅夫特致答詞了,他向主人祝酒。說時遲,那時快,突然闖進一批電視記者,錄像鏡頭對準斯考克羅夫特,外加閃光拍照。顯然,這是主人有意安排的,目的是以斯考克羅夫特的祝酒證明,中美關係正常化了。

斯考克羅夫特說,對此突襲,他當時極為狼狽。只有兩個選擇。1. 終止祝酒,後果是,此行失敗,打道回府;2. 繼續祝酒,第二天美國報紙的標題就會是,「斯考克羅夫特向天安門屠夫祝酒」。權衡利弊,斯考克羅夫特還是硬著頭皮選擇了祝酒。斯考克羅夫特「賭」的是,此行會有重要成果。到那時,就不怕媒體報導祝酒了。

所以,斯考克羅夫特這篇祝酒詞,看似平常,實則不同一般,值得一看 [6]。通篇祝酒詞沒有提到人權和北京的坦克,只在一處提及天安門事件(event)。後來,中共的用詞,也從最初的天安門反革命暴亂,逐漸變到天安門動亂,再到天安門風波,最後到天安門事件,與斯考克羅夫特用詞一樣。祝詞結尾,斯考克羅夫特舉杯

「May I propose a toast to the People’s Republic of China

--- to the health of President Yang(楊尚昆)

--- to the great Chinese People

--- and to U.S. – Chinese friendship」

對主人,斯考克羅夫特算是給足了面子。

第二天,即我們「待命」的一天,斯考克羅夫特連續地拜會了中國的所有首腦,外交部長錢其琛,總理李鵬,總書記江澤民,最後是鄧小平。直到這時,鄧小平一方才亮出了底牌——拿錢放人。即,除了上述a.), b.), c.) 三點之外,同時還有「核心條件」:

d.)美國解除對中國的經濟制裁,恢復貸款;

e.)美方邀請江澤民訪美。

這才明白,鄧小平的‘simple’one,意為一次性,或「一攬子解決」中美之間的各項問題。是由於尼克松,基辛格二位斡旋人都沒有聽明白鄧小平的‘simple’one 的含義?或者鄧小平根本沒有向」老朋友說明白其含義?從基辛格的回憶錄[2]看,答案大概是後者。

這才是真正的釘子。

斯考克羅夫特的回答是[6]:以解決「方勵之問題」作為「解除對中國制裁」的交換條件,在美國是絕對不可能被接受的。解決「方勵之問題」會有助於解決「經濟制裁」,但二者不可能「掛鉤」,或放在「一攬子」中。

鄧小平等遵循的則是這一古老行業的傳統行規——不見贖不松票。

雙方沒有妥協的餘地,談判破裂。

1989年尾

1989年尾,世界的熱點西移。11月柏林牆倒了,12月26日羅馬尼亞的齊奧塞斯庫被處決了。我的蘇聯學界的朋友,在這時外流,跑到西歐和北美打工。

布希行政當局的注意力移到蘇聯和東歐。中國的問題暫時被擱置。

我呢?知道鄧小平是按老行規行事,也就知道,已經沒有我們多少事,可以安心作研究了(圖1)。

年尾,大使館也較清閑。有一天,大使來閒聊,說:「很抱歉,你是天體物理學家,而我們給你提供的住所連天都看不到。」我告訴他:「不必介意,理論天體物理學家的特徵之一是,不需要看天,就能告訴你天上會發生甚麽。天上的東西99%,是有眼也看不見的,看也白看,還不如不看。」

我經歷的1989-1990中美互動
我在大使館時的「研究室」,桌上是一臺早期的蘋果電腦,可執行Pasco 語言。電腦原屬一位在大使館工作的外交官,他有數學Ph.D. 學位。該外交官於1989年7月奉調回國,將電腦送給我。該機的性能,不如我家裡的計算機,後者被抄家的警察抄走了。雖然不夠理想,但還是能用來研究宇宙學。(圖1)

1989年12月22日,我的日記寫道:「改定‘Periodicity of redshift distribution in a T-3 universe’」。這是用大使館蘋果機算出的第一篇論文。此文後來發表於Astronomy & Astrophysics, 239, (1990), 24。發表時,我們還沒有離開大使館。這篇論文在1990年一月曾作為美國費米實驗室(Fermi National Acceleration Laboratory)的預印本發至世界各地的物理系,物理研究所,包括中國(圖2)。其重要作用是使許多朋友知道我的在那裡,如何通訊可以不通過中國郵政的檢查。

我經歷的1989-1990中美互動
Periodicity of redshift distribution in a T-3 universe’ 一文的費米實驗室預印本。其下有我的臨時通訊地址。寄到該處,由美國務院信使直接送到北京,不經過普通郵政系統。(圖2)

有了圖2上公布的地址,我陸續收到大量同行寄來的文章、書籍,天體物理的主要期刊。我們收到的印刷品的數量之多,使負責轉送外交郵件的信使都有「怨言」。 有一天,郵件實在太多了,他對大使說:「給方的郵件佔用的外交郵包太多了,應當讓物理學界專門向國務院交錢」。

恰好,一位在石溪 (University of New York at Stony Brook)理論物理研究所(現稱楊振寧研究所)任職的朋友 Perry McCoy教授和夫人湯敦序(民主黨骨幹,不喜歡布希共和黨當局)來信也說到交錢:

「今年我們將很高興交稅, 因為你在大使館住,說明今年美國政府總算還作了一點好事」。

附錄

[1] James Lilly,China Hands (PublicAffairs 2004)

[2] Henry Kissinger, On China (2011)

[3]. 1989年11月18日,談判要點。

Talking Points: Meeting with VFM Liu Huaqiu, MFA

Saturday, November 18, 1989

I have asked for this appointment on a Saturday afternoon to begin discussion with you of the Fang Lizhi matter. I am authorized to do so by my government.

Former president Nixon and former secretary of state Kissinger shared with us the thoughts recently expressed to them by Deng Xiaoping regarding a possible path to speedy resolution of the Fang Lizhi situation. We understand that Mr. Deng made similar remarks to a visiting Japanese delegation a few days ago.

We share a desire to resolve this situation; we are prepared to proceed expeditiously to resolve the case; and we believe – as Mr. Deng suggested to president Nixon – that the best solution is a 「simple」 one.

I would like now to restate our understanding of what Mr. Deng said in general terms:

A statement regarding his activities will be required of Fang Lizhi.

There should be agreement by Dr. Fang not to engage in political activities.

Dr. Fang and his family should be removed from China, preferably to the United States.

My government believes that this general framework can serve as the basis for a resolution of the Fang case.

Our requirements with respect to the Fang Lizhi situation can also be stated simply:

We seek assurances that your government is prepared to guarantee and facilitate departure from China by Fang and his family to a destination overseas.

** If asked: by 「family」 I refer to Fang Lizhi, Li Shuxian and their son Fang Zhe.

Dr. Fang and his family, once overseas, should be free of harassment or the fear of arrest and free to pursue research and study as they wish.

We assume that the Chinese side would share our wish that agreement on departure of the Fang family would occasion a minimum of commentary by either side, and that such official comment would lay emphasis on the positive implications for development of our bilateral relationship.

We are prepared, as I have said, to work together with you to solve this problem expeditiously. It should not be unduly complicated to resolve, and we see no reason why we should not reach an understanding with you in very short order.

I wish at this time to offer some observations concerning our relationship with Dr. Fang and his family:

I understand that Dr. Fang is preparing a personal statement of this political beliefs which also addresses his role and thinking vis-a-vis the student movement.

There are limited to any U.S. government control over Dr. Fang and his family, now and in the future. The U.S. government cannot legally offer guarantees regarding what an individual in the United States might say or do. I believe that Dr. Fang and his family understand this point.

I understand that Dr. Fang would contemplate offering full assurance to my government that he would engage exclusively in scientific and scholarly research for a period of time following his departure from China.

But I must reiterate that any promises regarding Dr. Fang’s future behavior after he departs the Embassy must be between Dr. Fang his self and the Chinese government.

We are prepared to serve as the 「mailman」 between Dr. Fang and the Chinese in this regard without offering commitments on behalf of the U.S. government.

Of course, we will want to urge the Chinese government to accept Dr. Fang’s solemn commitments, but as I have said we will not be in apposition to enforce any agreement after Fang has departed.

As you are aware, I depart Monday for three weeks in the United States. I will return on December 13. In my absence, Lynn Pascoe will be charge d’affaires.

Mr. Pascoe will be prepared to work with you during the time I am away.

In conclusion, may I state once more that it is our common hope that we may now proceed to place our bilateral relationship back on a constructive footing.

I would like to hair the Vice Foreign Minister’s reactions.

Draft: POL: D W Keyser (incorporating new material from State 369399)

Cleared: DCM: B.L. Pascoe

[4], 1989年11月24日,談判要點。

Talking Points: Dr. Fang Lizhi’s Statements on Past, Future

Friday, November 24, 1989

I have brought with me a statement which Dr. Fang Lizhi has asked that we convey to the Chinese Government. His statement is in two parts: the first deals with his past activities, the second with his intentions and wishes concerning the future. This is the statement which Ambassador Lilley indicated to you on November 18 that Dr. Fang was drafting.

We said previously that we knew of no reason that our two sides might not work to resolve this matter swiftly in our common interest. It is important for us to do so. We believe that Dr. Fang’s decision to draft a statement is significant, and will permit us to move ahead to the early resolution that we both desire.

I wish to reiterate points Ambassador Lilley earlier made to you concerning the role of the U.S. Government.

Dr. Fang’s statement is his alone. We are willing to facilitate communication between him and the Chinese Government – as we are doing today – but we are not in a position to offer commitments on behalf of the U.S. Government.

There are limits to any U.S. Government control over Dr. Fang and his family, both now and in the future. The U.S. Government cannot legally offer guarantees regarding what an individual in the United States, or in a third country, might say or do.

Any promises regarding Dr. Fang’s future behavior after he departs the Embassy must be between Dr. Fang himself and the Chinese Government. We understand that Dr. Fang would offer full assurances to my Government that he would engage exclusively in scientific and scholarly research for a period of time following his departure from China.

We continue to see considerable merit in a solution which involves initial quiet departure by Dr. Fang and his family to some third country.

Dr. Fang has received more than a dozen offers from various institutions to conduct scientific and scholarly research following his departure from China. These offers have been made by institutions in the United States and in such European countries as France, Italy and the Vatican.

If Dr. Fang and his family were to depart for one of these third countries, we anticipate that it would be easier to avoid the glare of media attention.

I would like to hear the Vice Foreign Minister’s reactions.

[5] George Bush & Brent Scowcroft,A World Transformed,(Knopf, 1998)

[6] 斯考克羅夫特的祝酒詞,1989/12/9, 北京

Mr. Foreign Minister, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentleman:

My colleagues and I have come here today as friends, to resume our important dialogue on international questions of vital interest to both our nations. This is a dialogue which we believe has contributed to the historic, peace, stability, and prosperity of Asia and the world.

Last weekend, in another corner of the world, presidents Bush and Gorbachev held talks on the great issues of our day. Afterwards, president Bush instructed me to come to China and inform our Chinese hosts about the talks in Malta. There is nothing between the United States and the Soviet Union that needs to be hidden from the government of China. The peace and stability of the world are enhanced by this dialogue.

We also come today to bring new impetus and vigor into our bilateral relationship and seek new areas of agreement – economic, political, and strategic.

And we come to reduce the negative influence of irritants in the relationship.

We believe it is important that we not exhaust ourselves in the placing blame for problems that exist. Rather, by working together – within the values of our different social systems – we should seek to solve common problems and remove irritants.

It is the president’s strong desire to see these talks make progress and lay the groundwork for the solutions we seek.

Speaking as a friend, I would not be honest if I did not acknowledge that we have profound areas of disagreement – on the events at Tiananmen, on the sweeping changes in Eastern Europe. We see your complaints about us in the pages of People’s Daily.

But I recall that when we have found ways to work together, the world has been changed for the better; and when we have been at odds, needless tension and suffering were the result. In both our societies there are voices of those who seek to redirect or frustrate our cooperation. We both must take bold measures to overcome these negative forces.

In these meetings we seek to outline broad areas where agreement is possible, and to isolate for another time those areas of disagreement. The sooner e set about this task, the better. The path ahead will not be smooth and it will not be short.

But we have accomplished much when we have worked together in the past. I can cite scientific and technological exchanges, the departure of Soviet combat forces from Afghanistan, limits on missile proliferation, peace on the Korean peninsula, the withdrawal of Vietnam’s combat forces from Cambodia, mutually beneficial trade and investment, technology transfers, scholarly exchanges, and more. We – both side – must persevere. Now more than ever.

We are not China’s prime enemy or threat, as some would claim. But, like you, we are true to our own values, our heritage and traditions. We can be no other way. We extend our hand in friendship, and hope you will do the same.

May I propose a toast to the People’s Republic of China

--- to the health of President Yang

--- to the great Chinese People

--- and to U.S. – Chinese friendship」

(文章僅代表作者個人立場和觀點)


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